Introduction
Children’s School Lives (CSL; 2019-2024) is the first mixed-methods longitudinal cohort study of primary schooling in Ireland. Funded by the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA), the study followed a nationally representative sample of about 4,000 children over five years in 184 primary schools across two cohorts. Cohort A followed children from Junior Infants to Second Class, while Cohort B followed children from Second Class to Sixth Class. Additionally, in-depth qualitative case studies were conducted annually with children from a sub-sample of 12 schools, along with their parents, grandparents, teachers, principals, and other school staff. Over the five years of the study, data were collected on all aspects of children’s primary schooling, including school and classroom cultures, equality, and wellbeing.
This policy paper focuses on migration and ethnicity in children’s school lives, the third in a three-part series on Equalities produced from the CSL study. Irish primary schools are becoming increasingly diverse, reflecting wider changes in Irish society. CSL has tracked the impact of this diversity on children’s learner identities, aspirations, engagement, wellbeing, and sense of belonging. Findings highlight the complexity of children’s social worlds in school and how these are influenced by their ethnicity and migration backgrounds, intersecting with issues of social background and gender.
Key findings
- There is increasing migrant, ethnic, and linguistic diversity in Irish primary school classrooms, especially in the early years of primary schooling.
- About one fifth (21%) of children in the CSL sample are of immigrant background, with 6% being first generation and 15% second generation.
- Case study interviews highlight how migration is a positive aspiration toward a better future for both children and their families.
- This is reflected in the consistently high aspirations, positive engagement, and strong academic self-concept among children of immigrant background in the CSL study.
- There is a need to match such aspirations and engagement with respect to literacy support, especially for first-generation immigrant children.
- Concerns exist regarding the wellbeing and self-esteem of first-generation immigrant children and those of minority ethnicity, particularly ‘other White’/Eastern European.
- Challenges have been identified with respect to friendship and belonging for children of immigrant and minority ethnic backgrounds.
- Most children are committed to equality and fairness with respect to migration and ethnicity.
- However, increasing experiences of racism and bullying are evident by 5th and 6th class, particularly for Black/mixed/‘other’ minority ethnic children.
Findings
Changing Ireland, changing schools
Approximately one fifth (21%) of children in the CSL sample are of immigrant background, with 6% being first generation and 15% second generation[i]. Over the five years of the CSL study, the biggest increase in immigrant background children was evident in the earlier years of primary school (Cohort A).
Figure 1: Migrant status in CSL sample (Cohorts A & B)
Children of immigrant background are more likely to be in DEIS schools, especially those who are first generation, highlighting the intersection with children’s social background (see Devine et al., 2024).
In terms of ethnicity[ii], about three quarters (74%) of children in CSL are White Irish. The remaining quarter (26%) of children in CSL are of a minority ethnicity, including Irish Traveller (1%); Asian/Asian Irish – Chinese (1%); Asian/Asian Irish – Other (4%); Black/Black Irish (3%); Other/Incl. Mixed (5%).
Figure 2: Ethnic profile of CSL sample (Cohorts A & B)
Almost three in ten children (29%) in the CSL sample speak a language other than English or Irish at home. Other languages represented in the sample include Arabic, Bengali, Chinese, French, German, Hungarian, Indian, Italian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Malay, Polish, Portuguese, Romanian, Russian, Slovakian, Spanish, Tagalog, and Urdu.
Figure 3: Home language in CSL sample (Cohorts A & B)
Interviews showed that CSL participants often viewed migration as a positive aspiration for a better future. Children of immigrant background described it as both exciting and challenging, parents spoke of both the strengths and difficulties of the Irish primary school system, and principals highlighted the strong value immigrant families place on education:
Girl: When my mum was saying ‘we’re going to be moving to Ireland’, I was really excited because she showed us pictures of the school we were going to, and the stuff we were going to do. But then when we arrived in Ireland, that’s when the pandemic came, and it just got really boring. (Girl, 5th Class, Non-DEIS, All-girls, Rural Town)
Father: It is very disruptive moving … [and] our son needs learning support … it’s not severe … indeed, in his first year [he] had excellent learning support. (Father, 1st Class, Non-DEIS, All-boys, Urban)
Principal: We would notice they [immigrant families] would have a huge respect for education and would acknowledge that in their situation and in their child’s situation that education can be a great equaliser and a great provider of opportunity. So, they would be very much engaged in supporting the school and supporting their child’s education. (Principal, 2nd Class, Non-DEIS, All-boys, Urban)
Migration, ethnicity, and children’s engagement with learning
Figures 4 (Cohort A) and 5 (Cohort B) show that children of immigrant background consistently reported greater positivity about school than their non-immigrant peers, with a dip for all children during the COVID-19 period. By 6th Class, immigrant children remained more likely to look forward to attending school, underscoring the need to match this engagement with targeted literacy support, particularly for first-generation students.
Figure 4: Cohort A, “I look forward to going to school” (Usually/Always) by migrant background
Figure 5: Cohort B, “I look forward to going to school” (Usually/Always) by migrant background
Figure 6 shows that children from immigrant backgrounds are more likely to agree that they perform academically better than most classmates, indicating a higher academic self-concept.
Figure 6: Cohort B, “I am better than most people at my classwork” (Agree/Strongly Agree) by migrant background
However, children of immigrant background, whether first- or second-generation, are less likely than their non-immigrant peers to agree that they have the same chance of doing well in class.
Figure 7: Cohort B, “All children have the same chance to do well in my class” (Always) by migrant background
Migration, ethnicity, wellbeing, and belonging
The finding that children of immigrant background feel that they have less chance of doing well in class raises concerns about wellbeing and self-esteem. Figure 8 highlights a related pattern, showing that minority ethnic children are less likely to feel good about who they are.
Figure 8: Cohort B, “Do you feel good about who you are?” (Usually/Always) by ethnicity
Figure 9 (below) shows that children from minority ethnic backgrounds (‘other White’ and ‘other’ backgrounds) were more likely to report experiencing worry and anxiety.
Figure 9: Cohort B (2023, 2nd Class), Worry and Anxiety (Usually/Always) by ethnicity
Migration background and ethnicity both influence children’s sense of belonging in primary school. As shown in Figure 10, first- and second-generation immigrant children report a lower sense of school belonging than their non-immigrant peers.
Figure 10: Cohort B (2023, 6th Class), School belonging (Usually/Always) by migrant background
Figure 11 (below) shows that in Cohort B, White Irish children are more likely than their minority ethnic peers to feel they make friends easily, belong in school, and are liked by classmates.
Figure 11: Cohort B (2023, 6th Class), School belonging (Usually/Always) by ethnicity
A similar pattern is evident in Cohort A (2nd Class), where immigrant-background children are less likely to feel cared for and supported by peers than their non-immigrant peers.
Figure 12: Cohort A (2023, 2nd Class, Peer personal support (Usually/Always) by migrant background
Figure 13 (below) shows that first-generation immigrant pupils in Cohort B consistently report feeling less cared for by peers, with the gap between immigrant and non-immigrant groups widening notably from 4th to 6th Class.
Figure 13: Cohort B “In my class, other children really care about me” (Usually/Always) by migrant background
Interviews with children highlight the role of language in also shaping friendships and inclusion. Shared home languages often form the basis of close friendship groups, while language differences can make joining in more difficult. Some children express empathy for newcomers and recognise that knowing another language can open up opportunities for connection:
Interviewer: Oh, who is that [friends]? Are they in first class?
Boy: [Child], [Child], and, and, and it’s [Child] … they talk all [European language].
Interviewer: Yes, you all talk [European language] together?
Boy: And [child].
Interviewer: And so, when you’re all together, what do you speak?
Boy: [European language]. (Boy, 1st Class, DEIS, Co-Ed, Urban)
Interviewer: What about if somebody from a different country wanted to be your friend? How would you feel about that?
Child 1: If they speak a different language that’s a bit hard, but yeah. If they were from a different country and they were new, I would kind of feel bad for them.
Child 2: If I knew the language then I could speak to them a lot.
Interviewer: If you knew the language?
Child 2: Yeah. (Children, 2nd Class, Non-DEIS, co-Ed, Rural Town)
Figure 14 (below) shows that most children in Cohorts A and B, regardless of ethnicity, agree that ‘it is important to treat everyone fairly’ and that ‘people who are not from Ireland are just as important as everyone else.’
Figure 14: Cohorts A & B, Prejudice and bias (Agree/Strongly Agree) by ethnicity
By the senior years of primary school, however self-reported bullying frequencies differ by ethnicity, with minority ethnic children more likely than white Irish children to report ‘hearing children say mean things to another child’ (Figure 15) and ‘hearing a child say they would do something bad to another child if they didn’t do what they said’ (Figure 16). By 5th and 6th class the differences with respect to children of ‘white’ and ‘other background’ are especially evident:
Figure 15: Cohort B “In school, how often do you hear children say mean things to another child?” (Once a week or more) by ethnicity
Figure 16: Cohort B “In this school, how often do you hear a child say they will do something bad to another child if they don’t do what they say?” (Once a week or more) by ethnicity
Interviews with children further highlight how minority ethnic pupils experienced racism and bullying throughout their time in primary school:
Interviewer: Has anyone ever had racist words said to them in school?
Boy: [Names Girl] ….
Interviewer: [Girl]? What did she say?
Boy: The ‘N’ word.
(Boy, 1st Class, DEIS, Co-Ed, Urban)
Interviewer: Have you ever seen that [racism] here? Does that happen?
Girl 1: Yeah … in 4th class there was the ‘N’ word.
Girl 2: Yeah, [Boy] called me that. (Girls, 6th Class, DEIS, Co-Ed, Urban)
Girl: I don’t really like when I get home on the bus.
Interviewer: Really, why?
Girl: The boys start calling us [racialised] names and being mean to us all the time. (Girl, 2nd class, Non-DEIS, All-girls, Rural Town)
Boy: It [racist abuse] only happened once … to me. I forgave him [classmate]. He … just told me to go back to whatever country he thought I went to. (Boy, 6th Class, DEIS, Co-Ed, Rural Town)
Conclusion
This report highlights the impact of ethnicity and migration on children’s experience of primary school, underscoring the changing profile of classrooms in Ireland. Foregrounding children’s voices, it examines how migration status and ethnicity shape their feelings about themselves and their futures. It also considers their attitudes toward school, engagement with the curriculum, and experiences of wellbeing, friendship, and belonging.
Our findings show that primary schools mirror the wider society in which they are situated, with their diverse demographic profiles reflecting broader social and cultural changes in Ireland. The intersection of migration and social background (see also Devine et al., 2024) is evident in the greater numbers of children of immigrant background in DEIS schools and the higher proportion from low-income families. The process of migration presents both opportunities and challenges for immigrant families, with primary schools playing a crucial role as sites of support, inclusion, and care.
There is evidence of strong motivation to learn and ambition to succeed among children of immigrant background in CSL. They show high aspirations to go to college or university, higher academic self-concept than their non-migrant peers, and consistently more positive views about school. A key recommendation is that such engagement is matched with appropriate literacy support, especially for first-generation immigrant children.
Children of immigrant and minority ethnic backgrounds face ongoing challenges with respect to wellbeing and self-esteem, particularly those who are first-generation immigrants and those of ‘other White’/Eastern European ethnicity. These challenges also connect to difficulties with friendship formation and feelings of belonging, with interviews highlighting the importance of a shared language in making and maintaining friendships. A key finding is that most children in primary schools are committed to fairness and equality with respect to immigration and ethnicity. However, first-generation immigrant children and those from minority ethnic backgrounds are most likely to experience bullying and racism, with such experiences increasing in the later years of primary school.
Taken together, the findings highlight the complex processes of adaptation faced by teachers in increasingly diverse primary schools, as well as the important role of culturally responsive pedagogies in supporting children’s school lives. Children of immigrant background are not a uniform group: the needs of first-generation immigrant children, who may have no prior link with Irish society, differ from those born in Ireland to immigrant parents. Likewise, children’s experiences differ by ethnic background, requiring attention to issues of self-esteem, stigma, social status, and belonging.
This report can be referenced as:
Devine, D; Bohnert, M; Greaves, M; O, Ioannidou; Sloan, S; Martinez-Sainz, G; Symonds, J; Moore, B; Crean, M; Davies, A; Barrow, N; Crummy, A; Gleasure, S; Samonova, E; Smith, K; Smith, A; Stynes, H; Donegan, A (2025). Children’s school lives: Migration and ethnicity in children’s school lives. University College Dublin.
https://cslstudy.ie/downloads/CSL_8c_Migration-Ethnicity.pdf
References
CSO (2017). Census 2016 summary results. CSO.
Devine, D., Ioannidou, O., Sloan, S., Martinez-Sainz, G., Symonds, J., Bohnert, M., Greaves, M., Moore, B., Smith, K., Crean, M., Davies, A., Jones, M., Barrow, N., Crummy, A., Gleasure, S., Samonova, E., Smith, A., Stynes, H., Donegan, A. (2024). Children’s school lives: Equalities in children’s school lives – the impact of social background. University College Dublin.
Devine, D., Kenny, M., & McNeela, E. (2004). Experiencing racism in primary school: Children’s perspectives. In J. Deegan, D. Devine, & A. Lodge (eds.), Primary voices: Equality, diversity and childhood in Irish primary schools. Institute of Public Administration.
OECD (2023). PISA 2022 results (volume 1): The state of learning and equity in education. OECD.
Zeiher, H., Devine, D., Kjorholt, A.T., Strandell, H. (2007) Flexible Childhood? Exploring Children’s Welfare in Time and Space, University of South Denmark
[i] For children’s migration status, CSL adopts classifications used in other large-scale assessments such as PISA (OECD, 2023: 207). These include non-immigrant and first- and second-generation immigrants. The OECD defines immigrant students as those whose mother and father were both born in a country other than the one where the student took the PISA test. Non-immigrant students are those with at least one parent born in the country of assessment. Within the immigrant category, first-generation students are those born outside the country of assessment whose parents were also born abroad, while second-generation students are those born in the country of assessment but with one or more parents born abroad.
[ii] The ethnicity categories used in CSL, which were also included in the 2016 population census (CSO, 2017), were as follows: White Irish, Irish Traveller, Any Other White Background, Asian or Asian Irish – Chinese, Asian or Asian Irish – Any Other Asian Background, Black or Black Irish, and Other (including mixed backgrounds). The most recent census in 2022 also included Roma, Indian/Pakistani/Bangladeshi and Arab, but this post-dates the collection of data for CSL in the first series of waves and, for consistency of analysis, the 2016 census categories are used.